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Subrat SaurabhAuthor of Kuch Woh PalThe writer is an advocate at the High Court of Telangana at Hyderabad. He wrote this book having felt that people are becoming disinterested in their duties engulfed by bhakti. They mis-understood Bhagavadgita as preacher of Bhakti and giver of moksha. In fact, Bhagavadgita preaches to do your duty come what may. If you read, understand and follow this book, you are bound to achieve success in life and, unanimity with your dharma.Read More...
The writer is an advocate at the High Court of Telangana at Hyderabad. He wrote this book having felt that people are becoming disinterested in their duties engulfed by bhakti. They mis-understood Bhagavadgita as preacher of Bhakti and giver of moksha. In fact, Bhagavadgita preaches to do your duty come what may. If you read, understand and follow this book, you are bound to achieve success in life and, unanimity with your dharma.
Read Less...Achievements
యుద్ధం ప్రారంభం కాకముందే శ్రీకృష్ణుని ద్వారా వెల్లడి చేయబడింది భగవద్గీత కానీ, ప్రజలు తమ బంధువుల మరణానంతరం భగవద్గీత శ్లోకాలను పఠిస్తున్నారు. ఇది మహాపాపం మరియు భగవద్గీతకు
యుద్ధం ప్రారంభం కాకముందే శ్రీకృష్ణుని ద్వారా వెల్లడి చేయబడింది భగవద్గీత కానీ, ప్రజలు తమ బంధువుల మరణానంతరం భగవద్గీత శ్లోకాలను పఠిస్తున్నారు. ఇది మహాపాపం మరియు భగవద్గీతకు అవమానం. భగవద్గీత సర్వ మానవాళికి మార్గదర్శక గ్రంధం. ధర్మమే మన లక్ష్యం; ధర్మాన్ని పాటించే ప్రయత్నం సాధన; ఆ ప్రయత్నంలో విజయం సాధించడం సిద్ధి; సిద్ధి పొందిన తర్వాత ఏ ధర్మం కోసం పోరాడి సిద్ధి సాధించారో అదే ఆదర్శం కోసం జీవించడం యోగం. శ్రీకృష్ణుడన్నా, భగవంతుడన్నా, విశ్వమని మనం అర్థం చేసుకుంటే, ఈ పవిత్ర గ్రంథం నుండి మనకు సరైన సందేశం లభిస్తుంది. శ్రీకృష్ణుడు తానే విశ్వమని, విశ్వమే తానని అనేక శ్లోకాలలో వివరించాడు; యశోదకు తన నోటిలో, అర్జునిడికి కురుక్షేత్రంలో కూడా విశ్వరూప సందర్శనే చేశాడు.
भारत अमेरिका की तरह राष्ट्रपति लोकतंत्र है। भारतीय और अमेरिकी राष्ट्रपति अप्रत्यक्ष रूप से निर्वाचक मंडलों द्वारा चुने जाते हैं। भारतीय निर्वाचक मंडल में विधानसभाओं के निर्
भारत अमेरिका की तरह राष्ट्रपति लोकतंत्र है। भारतीय और अमेरिकी राष्ट्रपति अप्रत्यक्ष रूप से निर्वाचक मंडलों द्वारा चुने जाते हैं। भारतीय निर्वाचक मंडल में विधानसभाओं के निर्वाचित सदस्य और संसद के दोनों सदन होते हैं। अमेरिकी राष्ट्रपति का चुनाव उन निर्वाचकों द्वारा किया जाता है जो उस उद्देश्य के लिए चुने जाते हैं। दोनों राष्ट्रपतियों के पास संबंधित संविधानों के अनुच्छेद 2 और 53 के अंतर्गत कार्यकारी, सैन्य और कुछ न्यायिक शक्तियां होती हैं। अमेरिका में निर्वाचित राज्यपालों के पास राज्यों की कार्यकारी शक्ति होती है; भारत में, राष्ट्रपति मनोनीत राज्यपाल होते हैं। अमेरिकी राष्ट्रपति राज्यों के नाम, स्थिति और विस्तार को बदल नहीं सकते हैं, लेकिन भारतीय संसद अनुच्छेद 3 के अंतर्गत ऐसा कर सकता हैं। यह अमेरिका को संघीय और भारत को एकात्मक बनाता है। सदन विधायी होते हैं; राष्ट्रपति कार्यकारी होते हैं। भारत या अमेरिका में, कार्यपालिका द्वारा सरकार बनाने और चलाने के लिए विधायिकाओं में बहुमत महत्वहीन है। बहुदलीय प्रणाली और मध्यावधि चुनाव असंवैधानिक हैं। भारत में, राजनीति में जो हो रहा है, उसकी तुलना पाकिस्तान के संविधान में कही गई बातों से की जा सकती है। अनुछेद ५५ कहता हैं की राष्ट्रपति का चुनाव में हर राज्य का सामान प्रतिनिधित्व हो जिस का मतलब, हर राज्य में करीबन समान जन संख्या होने चाहिए। राज्य विभाजन इसका विरुध्द हो रहा हैं। भारत को राष्ट्रपति लोकतंत्र और दो दलीय प्रणाली में वापस लौट आना चाहिए अन्यथा, देश को गरीबी, सामाजिक संघर्ष, राजनीतिक अस्थिरता और अंत में देश के विभाजन सुनिश्चित है ।
America, a presidential democracy, is federal because its states are ruled by elected governors, have their own constitutions, and American Congress has no right to alter the names, extent and boundaries of states. The U.K. is a parliamentary democracy with a hereditary king and an elected prime minister. Pakistan is declared to be federal by its constitution, but it does not have federal, unitary or even democratic features in full. Bharath is unitary and rep
America, a presidential democracy, is federal because its states are ruled by elected governors, have their own constitutions, and American Congress has no right to alter the names, extent and boundaries of states. The U.K. is a parliamentary democracy with a hereditary king and an elected prime minister. Pakistan is declared to be federal by its constitution, but it does not have federal, unitary or even democratic features in full. Bharath is unitary and republic but not federal. In Bharath, the president is the only elected authority while all others like ministers and governors are only appointed by him, and hence, Bharath is a presidential democracy. Midterm dismissal of legislatures is like murdering of democracy; contained only in Pakistan’s constitution. A multiparty system is not democracy at all since, theoretically, someone may win even with less than 1% of polled and valid votes. Under Pakistan’s constitution, the president has to act according to the advice of the prime minister. I wonder why the same model is followed in Bharath though such provisions are not found under the Bharatheeya constitution. Bharatheeya and the Pakistani people should ponder over why Lok Sabha-elected prime minister (though an unconstitutional method) shall be superior to the president, who is elected by the parliament and the assemblies as well. The first question is why should we ignore our own constitution?
Is there any authority in India, who is elected, other than the President of India? None. All ministers are appointed people. They need not even be members of a house when appointed as ministers. Ours is not parliamentary democracy. It is Republican Democracy under which, there would be only one government in India which is of the President, with Governors as his subordinates in states. 30 mutually conflicting governments and perennial elections to them cann
Is there any authority in India, who is elected, other than the President of India? None. All ministers are appointed people. They need not even be members of a house when appointed as ministers. Ours is not parliamentary democracy. It is Republican Democracy under which, there would be only one government in India which is of the President, with Governors as his subordinates in states. 30 mutually conflicting governments and perennial elections to them cannot make India one country; much less a “Sovereign Democratic Republic”. How, India is federal if Ambedkar refused to add “Federal” in the preamble? 42nd amendment of 1976 too added only “Socialist and Secular”. Constitution is ignored, President is made ineffective, people are divided on caste lines and religious lines, regional parties are formed to rake up regional issues, press became pure business, courts turned late comers, corruption and immorality in politics reached its peak. External commercial aggression is on the rise. How long India can stay independent and united?
భారతదేశంలో రాజ్యాంగం 1950లోనే ప్రక్క దారి పట్టింది. 1950లో లేదా 1952లో నెహ్రూ రాష్ట్రపతిగా పోటీ చేసి దేశాన్ని రిపబ్లిక్ గా పరిపాలిస్తే రాజ్యాంగబద్ధంగా ఉండేది. నెహ్రూ ఆ పని చేయక త
భారతదేశంలో రాజ్యాంగం 1950లోనే ప్రక్క దారి పట్టింది. 1950లో లేదా 1952లో నెహ్రూ రాష్ట్రపతిగా పోటీ చేసి దేశాన్ని రిపబ్లిక్ గా పరిపాలిస్తే రాజ్యాంగబద్ధంగా ఉండేది. నెహ్రూ ఆ పని చేయక తను చెప్పినట్టు వినే బాబు రాజేంద్రప్రసాదును అధ్యక్షుడిగా గెలిపించారు. అదే తప్పు నేటికీ కొనసాగుతున్నది. రాజ్యాంగం ప్రకారం భారతదేశం అమెరికా వలే అధ్యక్ష ప్రజాస్వామ్యం. ఇంగ్లాండ్ వలె పార్లమెంటరీ ప్రజాస్వామ్యం కాదు. భారతదేశంలో రాష్ట్రపతి ఒక్కడే ఎన్నికైన కార్యనిర్వాహక అధికారి. అతని ఎన్నికలో అన్ని రాష్ట్రాలకు సమాన ప్రాతినిధ్యం ఉండాలని ఆర్టికల్ 55 తెలియజేస్తున్నది. అందువల్ల, ఈనాటి రాష్ట్రాలన్నీ రాజ్యాంగ విరుద్ధాలే. ప్రజాస్వామ్యంలో శాసనాలు తయారు చేయడం శాసన వ్యవస్థ పని; శాసనాల ప్రకారం దేశాన్ని పరిపాలించే బాధ్యత కార్యనిర్వాహక వ్యవస్థది. అనగా, కేంద్రంలో రాష్ట్రపతి ప్రభుత్వం, రాష్ట్రాలలో గవర్నర్ల ప్రభుత్వాలు ఉంటాయి. కార్యనిర్వాహక వ్యవస్థలో అత్యున్నతంగా రాష్ట్రపతి ఉండగా ఆయన అనుయాయులుగా కేంద్ర మంత్రులు, రాష్ట్రాలలో గవర్నర్లు, వారి క్రింద రాష్ట్ర మంత్రులు భాగం. భారత రాష్ట్రపతిని ఎలక్టోరల్ కాలేజీ ఎన్నుకున్నది కాబట్టి ఆయనకు కొన్ని శాసనసభలలోను పార్లమెంటు ఉభయ సభలలోను మెజారిటీ లేకపోవచ్చు. అది ఆయన అధికార విస్తృతికి విఘాతం కాదు. అమెరికాలోనూ అంతే. ఎన్నుకొనబడిన రాష్ట్రపతిని ప్రక్కన పెట్టి నియమితులైన ప్రధానమంత్రి, ముఖ్యమంత్రులు పెత్తనం చేస్తున్నారు. ఇవి పాకిస్తాన్ రాజ్యాంగం ఆర్టికల్ 48, 58, 91, 95, 112 మరియు 130 లో ఉన్నాయి తప్ప భారత రాజ్యాంగం ఆర్టికల్ 74,75, 163,164 లో లేవు. ఆ కారణంగానే దేశంలో రాజకీయ అస్థిరత, అవినీతి, అనిశ్చితి ఆవరించి ఉన్నాయి.
Time is the best storyteller, while every living being is a forced reader. There is suspense before anything happens and even after. Otherwise, how would an abandoned child, Dhatri, be raised by a saint, Bhasith? How did she become the wife of the great King Suryatej and give birth to the crown prince?
The story “RAJYAPATH” takes the readers through the rule of a benevolent king Suryatej to the rule of a tyrant king Mahabal, who accede
Time is the best storyteller, while every living being is a forced reader. There is suspense before anything happens and even after. Otherwise, how would an abandoned child, Dhatri, be raised by a saint, Bhasith? How did she become the wife of the great King Suryatej and give birth to the crown prince?
The story “RAJYAPATH” takes the readers through the rule of a benevolent king Suryatej to the rule of a tyrant king Mahabal, who acceded as an heir successor and finally lands in to democracy. He became a dictator, and people lived in fear and oppression during his rule. Only the employees of the king lived well. Mahabal killed several kings, collected their wealth and women and annexed their kingdoms. It was his moral fall.
His physical fall came through his own wife, Sulekha, with the help of his mother, Dhatri, brother, Dharmatej, and Saint Bhasith. Mahabal is then killed in a stampede, under the feet of the people who tried to stop him from throwing his sword at Sulekha.
This story brings before readers the beauty of the Himalayan forests, peaks and valleys. It ends on a happy note, with Dharmatej marrying Samhitha, Sulekha’s sister, and establishing the people’s rule in the country. Sulekha humbly rejects, but Dhatri agrees to be the honorary queen of the country as her responsibility. Dharmatej is then elected as the president of the country.
The multi-party system is only a distortion of the Constitution, resorted to for political gains. Inviting the single largest party head to form governments and the dissolution of governments through no-confidence motions are only malpractices. Change of governments at the centre is done by election or impeachment of the president in the parliament under Article 54 and 61, while it is done by appointing and removing of governors by the president at the states.
The multi-party system is only a distortion of the Constitution, resorted to for political gains. Inviting the single largest party head to form governments and the dissolution of governments through no-confidence motions are only malpractices. Change of governments at the centre is done by election or impeachment of the president in the parliament under Article 54 and 61, while it is done by appointing and removing of governors by the president at the states.
The Constitution prescribed that the president shall rule this country (Art. 53) with ministers to aid and advise him (Art. 74). Governors are appointed and removed by the president at his pleasure to discharge the same functions at the states (Art. 155, 156). The prime minister is appointed and removed by the president at his pleasure in terms of Article 75.
The Supreme Court struck down several constitutional amendments made under Article 368 unjustly. Parliament and the president represent Indian democracy and sovereignty.No other authority in the country shall be above sovereign power. PPP and Art. 368 i.e. people, parliament, president and Art. 368 are the basic structures of the Indian Constitution. There is no constitution beyond this.The Supreme Court’s basic structure theory broke the real basic structure of the Constitution.
Ragini, 30, a married software engineer, suddenly woke up, awe stuck, to dreadful hissing sounds of winds, rain and thunders out side their house. There was pitch darkness around and nothing was clearly visible. She understood, it could be mid of night. Sky was roaring with thunders and Read More...
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